Disaster Recovery in Micronesia

“What is disaster recovery? An exploration of Micronesia after Super Typhoon Maysak”

All text & images by Olivia Blinn

Super Typhoon Maysak barreled through the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) in the spring of 2015, the third largest typhoon of its size. [1] Sandwiched between a cyclone hitting Vanuatu [2] and earthquakes striking Nepal, [3] the disaster quickly fell out of the public eye. However, the remote South Pacific nation has a long road to recovery. 

Disasters often affect Small Island Developing States (SIDS) the most but receive little attention, as they play a minor role on the international stage. [4] Over 100,000 people live in the FSM, a nation of 600 islands spread across 2,800 kilometers. For the FSM, Typhoon Maysak affected 50% of people in Chuuk [5] and Yap [6] states — destroying homes, public infrastructure, utilities, and crops. [7]

Map of the path of Typhoon Maysak

FIGURE 1. Typhoon Maysak hit Chuuk and Yap States on 29-30 March 2015. (USAID. “USG.”)

Many of the island states in the region of Micronesia have a rich archaeological history, including Yap State, which includes their stone money [8] and spans 2,000 years. [9] These states maintain ancient and unique traditions. As demonstrated in the FSM, disaster recovery for the Pacific Islands is complex, but incorporating cultural elements can allow for a more holistic recovery process — all of which will be explored.

Under the Compact of Free Association, [10] an agreement between the U.S. and the FSM, disaster recovery for the FSM falls under the purview of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). [11] Federal funding is made available when the U.S. President makes a declaration of emergency, uniquely positioning them with access to recovery resources that similar SIDS may not have. [12] However, this structure can complicate the response and recovery process, as a key decision-making figure is removed from the disaster context — culturally, politically, and physically in another country.

Prior to construction, a “model home” allowed residents to see the structure and ask questions. Beneficiaries chose from a variety of color schemes and often added additions onto their complete homes. Community leadership requested homes be built before public infrastructure. [13] As a result, many people volunteered their new homes to be used as classrooms until schools were completed. [14]

Facilitating culturally-inclusive construction by maintaining traditional architecture

USAID partnered with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) [15] to launch the Typhoon Maysak Reconstruction Project, a multi-year program to support recovery in Chuuk and Yap States. Throughout the project, they sought ways to maintain a community-based approach. Best practices on reconstruction find that organizations should avoid unintentionally perpetuating inequality in their structures and seek to integrate features to mitigate future hazards. [16] IOM engineers worked with specialists and locals to design structures that matched cultural styles and could withstand a category 1 typhoon. [17]

Micronesian elders lament the decline of many traditional aspects of their culture. [18] Many Pacific Islanders view cultural values and traditional knowledge as a significant component of disaster recovery, especially as outward migration and the loss of elders has contributed to this loss. [19] The international response in the FSM included hiring community liaisons to work directly with community groups. Additionally, boys’ and girls’ homes were rebuilt, an educational space where young people learn traditional practices, like canoe carving and basket weaving. 

Facilitating local building projects is empowering and participatory, versus the previous model of relying on international contractors. [20] USAID/IOM utilized this approach, creating community working groups to complete rebuilding projects. [21] Engineers trained local workers, and at the end of the project they had new buildings and new skills to help them in the future.

Engineers and community liaisons supported community working groups throughout the rebuilding process. This ensure the quality of the structures, community support at each step of the process, and the building of capacity of “unskilled” laborers. Wilfred Robert, Director of Chuuk Disaster and Emergency Operations Center, said that community involvement in the project gave them “a feeling of ownership” and responsibility. [22]

A local elder conducts a blessing on the work site of a new community building. These types of ceremonies by locals were important, especially to leadership, who sought to maintain as many traditional values as possible. The ceremony is wishing good fortune on the building and all who enter it in the future.

Community inclusion as a form of social capital

An important facet of community engagement in disaster recovery is the role of social capital — trust, social networks, and norms — which has been shown to increase satisfaction in recovery. [23] These relationships at different level of engagement in the project allowed communities to remain engaged with the process and trust local leadership. This trust is particularly important in these island nations where traditional leadership roles, such as island chief, still remain. 

Recovery efforts also included the distribution of cash vouchers. Cash transfers and vouchers allow for households to maintain autonomy in their decision-making about their most pressing needs. [24] In Chuuk, beneficiaries used vouchers at local stores to buy goods, such as food, clothing, appliances, and construction supplies. [25] In keeping with Yapese culture, some families choose to pool their vouchers to purchase resources to benefit the entire community, such as a boat. [26]

Most communities in Yap have a men’s house, a meeting space for the males in the community, which is generally displayed prominently near the shore. [27] The women’s house has a more traditional shape. As seen in the aerial image, the men’s house building traditionally have a steep A-frame roof. Engineers worked with local leadership to ensure the reconstruction of the building was sound and maintained that important cultural legacy.

The challenges of remote, island recovery

Although meaningful, incorporating cultural elements in recovery is complex. Religion is central to the Pacific Islands, meaning that recovery interventions that involve religion and the involvement of the church are appropriate and expected. [28] However, USAID money cannot be used for “explicitly religious activities” — such as the reconstruction of churches. [29] Thus, policy is prohibiting a culturally appropriate response. 

Chuuk and Yap States are distinctly different cultures and languages. The official language of the FSM is English, but eight additional dialects are spoken throughout the island nation. [30] Cultural differences must be considered within the FSM; a homogeneous, blanket response is not appropriate. Cultural liaisons become even more important in these disaster and recovery settings. [31]

Because of the remote nature of the construction locations, customs pontoon barges were utilized to get the materials as close to the shore as possible. Local skiffs took the materials the rest of the way in. Many of these materials had already spent weeks on large barges just to reach the FSM. These complicated logistics often slowed the reconstruction and recovery process.

While the aid community advocating for local procurement, limited construction materials and high demands lead to delays in the recovery process. [32] In the FSM, few materials are available for production. As a result, recovery materials were sources from the U.S., Vietnam, Guam, and the Philippines. [33] This procurement is less than ideal. 

Climate change as a growing concern

The Pacific Islands are often called the “early warning system of the global community” by IOM, given their unique vulnerability to climate change. [34] Based on its environmental index score, the FSM is one of the most vulnerable SIDS in the Pacific. [35] Studies in Yap State have found the sea level is rising nearly four times that of the global average. [36]

SIDS are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. [37] However, SIDS should not be viewed as helpless; many of the cultures and nations have spent centuries adapting to gradual changes in the environment. [38] A limitation of improving recovery processes in the South Pacific, particularly the FSM, is a minimal amount of  research and limited historical records. [39]

The recovery process in the FSM provides a way forward for other SIDS to incorporate cultural considerations into recovery. However, actors must take seriously the role of climate change. With the frequency and severity of storms on the rise, allowing community engagement in recovery only becomes increasingly more important. 

Because of the remote nature of the construction locations, customs pontoon barges were utilized to get the materials as close to the shore as possible. Local skiffs took the materials the rest of the way in. Many of these materials had already spent weeks on large barges just to reach the FSM. These complicated logistics often slowed the reconstruction and recovery process.

[1] Jason Samenow, “Pacific Super Typhoon Maysak among strongest on record so early in the season,” The Washington Post, 31 March 2015.

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cyclone_Pam

[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/April_2015_Nepal_earthquake

[4] Ben Wisner and J.C. Gaillard, “An Introduction to Neglected Disasters,” Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies 2, no. 3 (December 2009): 275–158.

[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chuuk_State

[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yap_State

[7] USAID, “Micronesia – Typhoon Maysak: Fact Sheet #1, Fiscal Year (FY) 2015,” United States Agency for International Development, 2015.

[8] https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details. aspx?objectId=489877&partId=1

[9] John R. Dodson and Michiko Intoh, “Prehistory and Palaeoecology of Yap, Federated States of Micronesia,” Quaternary International 59 (1999): 17–26.

[10] https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/174108.pdf

[11] Department of State of the United States of America, “Compact of Free Association: Agreement between the United States of America and Micronesia.” (Palikir, Federated States of Micronesia, 2003); https://www.usaid.gov

[12] Ibid.

[13] IOM, Typhoon.

[14] Ibid.

[15] https://www.iom.int

[16] Gayani Karunasena and Raufdeen Rameezdeen, “Post-disaster housing reconstruction: Comparative study of donor vs owner-driven approaches,” International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the Built Environment, 1, no. 2 (2010): 173-191.

[17] IOM - International Organization for Migration, Typhoon Maysak Reconstruction Project: Executive Summary Report. (Pohnpei, Federated States of Micronesia: IOM Micronesia, 2018).

[18] Roberta Lee, “Cultural Dynamism and change—An Example from the Federated States of Micronesia,” Economic Botany 55, no. 1 (January 2001): 9–13.

[19] Stephanie Fletcher, “Traditional Coping Strategies and Disaster Response: Examples from the South Pacific Region,” Journal of Environmental and Public Health, 2013(264503), 5.

[20] Yan Chang et al. “Donor-Driven Resource Procurement for Post-Disaster Reconstruction: Constraints and Actions,” Habitat International 35, no. 2 (2011): 199–205.

[21] IOM, Typhoon.

[22] Wilfred Robert, (Director of Chuuk Disaster and Emergency Operations Center) in discussion with the author, November 2017.

[23] Yuko Nakagawa, “Social capital: A missing link to disaster recovery,” International Journal of Mass Emergencies and Disasters 22, no. 1 (2004): 5-34.

[24] Sarah Bailey and Paul Harvey, “State of evidence on humanitarian cash transfers.” (Overseas Development Institute Background Note, 2015); Renos Nicos Vakis, Complementing natural disasters management: the role of social protection. (World Bank, Social Protection, 2006).

[25] IOM, Typhoon.

[26] Sueo Kuwahara, “Tourism, traditional culture and autonomy in a small island: Yap faces a new millennium,” Kagoshima University Research Center for the Pacific Islands Occasional Papers 34 (2001): 1-5.

[27] Patrick Nunn, “Culturally Grounded Responses to Coastal Change on Islands in the Federated States of Micronesia, Northwest Pacific Ocean,” Regional Environmental Change 17, no. 4 (April 2017): 959–971.

[28] Stephanie Fletcher, “Traditional,” p. 5.

[29] USAID. “Final Rule Implementing Executive Order 13559: Fundamental Principles and Policymaking Criteria for Partnerships with Faith-based and Other Neighborhood Organizations.” United States Agency for International Development. 2016.

[30] Central Intelligence Agency, “Micronesia, Federated States of,” The World Factbook, last modified March 2019.

[31] Juan Rodon, et al., “Managing cultural conflicts for effective humanitarian aid,” International Journal of Production Economics 139, no. 2 (2012): 366-376.

[32] Yan Change, “Donor Driven.”

[33] IOM, Typhoon.

[34] IOM – International Organization for Migration. Effects of Climate Change on Human Mobility in the Pacific and Possible Impact on Canada. 2016, p. vii.

[35] Walter Leal Filho, Climate Change Adaptation in Pacific Countries: Fostering Resilience and Improving the Quality of Life. (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2017).

[36] Reed Perkins and Stefan Krause, “Adapting to climate change impacts in Yap State, Federated States of Micronesia: the importance of environmental conditions and intangible cultural heritage,” Island Studies Journal, 13, no. 1

(2018), 65.

[37] Andrea de Guttry et al. International Disaster Response Law. (The Hague, The Netherlands: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2012); John Hay, “Small Island Developing States: Coastal Systems, Global Change and Sustainability,” Sustainability Science 8, no. 3 (July 2013): 309–326.

[38] Jessica Mercer et al., “The potential for combining indigenous and western knowledge in reducing vulnerability to environmental hazards in small island developing states,” Environmental Hazards, 7, no. 4 (2007), 245-256.

[39] Dirk H.R. Spennemann, “Hindcasting Typhoons in Micronesia: Experiences from Ethnographic and Historic Records,” Quaternary International 195, no. 1 (2009): 106–121.